People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok's hunger strike ended after eight days. Park Geun-hye, former president; Yoo Seong-min, former lawmaker; and Lee Jun-seok, Reform Party leader—figures in the conservative camp who had kept their distance from Jang—visited him, prompting assessments that it created a moment for conservative unity. On the other hand, some said the practical gains were limited because his demand for "dual special counsels" on the Unification Church and bribery for nominations did not go through.
Jang's hunger strike ended after former President Park made a surprise trip to Seoul and visited the National Assembly on the 22nd. Park, who arrived at the National Assembly's Rotunda Hall at about 11:20 a.m., told Jang, "The public will recognize your sincerity," and said, "I hope you will promise to end the hunger strike here." Jang replied, "I will do so."
Afterward, Jang was taken by ambulance to a nearby hospital. Jang said, "I am ending the strike today for a longer and bigger fight," and added, "But the public's lament over the corrupt Lee Jae-myung administration and the Democratic Party's tyranny will flare up like a wildfire starting today. The true hunger strike begins today."
Jang's hunger strike produced the result of conservative consolidation. Park, regarded as a senior figure in the conservative camp, visited the National Assembly for the first time in 10 years to meet Jang in person, and Yoo Seong-min, a symbol of reform conservatism, as well as the in-party junior group "Alternative and Future," came out in support of Jang's hunger strike. Lee Jun-seok, Reform Party leader whose potential alliance is being discussed ahead of the local elections, also adjusted an overseas business trip to visit Jang.
Incumbent metropolitan mayors who have been at odds with Jang, including Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon and Busan Mayor Park Heong-joon, also visited the hunger strike site. Floor leader Song Eon-seog said at an emergency caucus held that day, "The Chun Doo-hwan administration did not accept former President Kim Young-sam's five democratization demands during his 1983 hunger strike," and added, "But as of 2026, no one calls former President Kim's hunger strike a failed strike."
He went on, "Former President Kim's hunger strike became a decisive moment to rally the then-opposition and pro-democracy forces, and that power ultimately led to the 1987 democratic uprising, opening the way for the democratic camp to take power."
The People Power Party wants to prolong as much as possible the conservative rallying effect achieved by Jang's hunger strike. The problem is that there is no clear method of struggle against the government and the ruling party.
After Jang's hunger strike ended, the People Power Party held an emergency caucus but failed to find a clear plan to confront the ruling bloc and the government. Choi Su-jin, the People Power Party's senior deputy floor spokesperson, when asked about follow-up actions such as a "relay hunger strike," said, "No concrete proposal was made, and it was decided to leave it to the floor leader," and added, "No specific ideas came out, but we believe we must push through the dual special counsels and hold the Lee Jae-myung administration to account."
Within the People Power Party, various ideas are being floated, such as lawmakers' relay hunger strikes or boycotting standing committee meetings, but the assessment is that there is no sure means to put the brakes on the government and the ruling party. Even with Jang's hunger strike, the Democratic Party has shown no intention of accepting the dual special counsels.
A senior People Power Party lawmaker said, "The only way to put the brakes on the Lee Jae-myung government is to win the local elections," and added, "Since there is no obvious way to check the Democratic Party's unilateral drive in the legislature, it seems better to quickly shift into a local election mode."