The Lee Jae-myung government is pushing for the transfer of wartime operational control (WOC) during its term. While solidifying the ROK-U.S. alliance, it plans to quickly establish a roadmap for the transfer. The aim is to enhance the operational planning and command capabilities led by the Korean military to strengthen deterrence against North Korea, but there are concerns that careful attention must be paid to prevent any security gaps.
The Defense Security Command, which is known to have been deeply involved in the emergency martial law of Dec. 3, will be abolished. While the organization will be disbanded, essential functions will be distributed to ensure there are no gaps in capabilities.
The conclusion of the Basic Agreement between North and South Korea has also been included as a national task. The goal is to create an atmosphere of reconciliation on the Korean Peninsula, resume dialogue, and elevate mutual agreements between the North and South to the form of an 'agreement' to enhance sustainability.
The National Planning and Coordination Committee announced this content regarding foreign diplomatic and security policies in the '5-Year Plan for National Governance of the Lee Jae-myung Government' on the 13th. The slogan for the foreign diplomatic and security policy was chosen as 'pragmatic, national interest-oriented diplomacy and security.'
◇ Transfer of wartime operational control within the term; prerequisite is the capability to respond to North Korea's nuclear threats
In terms of security, ▲ the advancement of the three-axis defense system ▲ the transfer of wartime operational control within the term ▲ the abolition of the Defense Security Command were presented as top priorities.
The three-axis defense system refers to the military strategy of our military to respond to North Korea's nuclear and missile threats, which includes 'Kill Chain', 'Korean-style Missile Defense (KAMD)', and 'Korea Massive Punishment and Retaliation (KMPR)'. The key is to secure independent deterrence and block the possibility of provocations from North Korea.
The feasibility of implementing the transfer of wartime operational control, which is pegged to the government term, is also noteworthy. Wartime operational control refers to the authority to command units designated for carrying out operations in a war situation. Currently, peacetime operational control is exercised by the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the Republic of Korea, while wartime operational control is exercised by the commander of the ROK-U.S. Combined Forces, an American general.
The transfer of wartime operational control to a Korean general, rather than an American general, has been a long-standing task for both countries. The two countries agreed on the transfer during the Roh Moo-hyun government, but it has been delayed during the Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye governments.
In 2014, the ROK and the U.S. agreed on three key conditions for the transfer of wartime operational control: ▲ the necessary military capabilities for leading combined defense ▲ the comprehensive response capabilities of the alliance to North Korea's nuclear and missile threats ▲ a stable security environment on the Korean Peninsula and in the region suitable for the transfer of operational control. As the National Planning and Coordination Committee has set a target of 'within the term', attention is on whether these three conditions can be met during this period.
The Defense Security Command will proceed with its abolition. The abolition of the Defense Security Command was a top national security pledge made by President Lee Jae-myung during his presidential campaign. According to the prosecution and others, the Defense Security Command organized a joint investigation team for the martial law investigation by mobilizing entities such as the Korean National Police Agency and the Ministry of National Defense at the time of the emergency martial law on Dec. 3, and carried out tasks such as compiling lists of key political figures for arrest.
From the perspective of the Lee Jae-myung government, which regards the emergency martial law of Dec. 3 as a rebellion, the Defense Security Command is also a core faction of the rebellion. In this regard, Minister of National Defense An Kyu-baek, who took office last July, emphasized the illegality of the Dec. 3 emergency martial law and expressed his willingness to pursue organizational restructuring in accordance with the principle of 'punishment and reward'.
◇ Diplomacy based on 'pragmatism'... North Korean policy focused on 'reconciliation and cooperation'
The foreign policy aims to pursue 'pragmatic diplomacy'. With the United States, it seeks to develop the ROK-U.S. alliance into a 'future-oriented comprehensive strategic alliance', while with Japan, it aims for 'future-oriented development'. With China, it will promote the 'development of a strategic cooperative partnership', and with Russia, it will pursue stable management and development.
The 'New Southern and New Northern Policies', which were core diplomatic strategies of the Moon Jae-in government, will also be revived. This is interpreted as an effort to overcome the changes in trade dynamics brought about by Donald Trump through the exploration of new markets. Especially, while the Moon Jae-in government excluded Japan from its existing New Southern Policy, the Lee Jae-myung government intends to expand Korea-Japan cooperation to create synergy. The government's consideration of joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), which is led by Japan, is also seen as an extension of this diplomatic trade policy.
In relation to the Korean Peninsula policy, the focus will be on creating an atmosphere of reconciliation and cooperation. The National Planning and Coordination Committee proposed a direction for 'normalizing inter-Korean relations' by starting with the restoration of inter-Korean communication channels and resuming inter-Korean talks, civil exchanges, and humanitarian cooperation.
To implement and secure peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula, the government is also promoting the conclusion of the 'Basic Agreement between North and South Korea'. The model for the Basic Agreement between North and South Korea is the 'Basic Treaty between East and West Germany', which was signed in 1972, where both sides recognized each other as sovereign states and agreed to normalize relations. While the intent is to elevate the Basic Agreement signed in 1991, it may face criticism for recognizing the 'two-state theory'.
The National Planning and Coordination Committee emphasized public participation in the establishment of North Korean policies, considering these controversies. It aims to promote North Korean and unification policies based on public consensus by revitalizing social dialogue.