The special pardon for former Rebuilding Korea Party leader Cho Kuk has emerged as a key issue for the ruling party. The National Assembly Speaker, who is second in the state protocol hierarchy, personally visited the prison to meet with the former leader, while members of the ruling party are publicly demanding a 'Liberation Day special pardon.' This is an uncomfortable issue for the Presidential Office, which has faced a personnel scandal just over 50 days after taking office due to allegations of abuse of power by a ministerial candidate and the defense of sexual harassment by the head of the Ministry of Personnel Management. Additionally, there is pressure due to Cho's imprisonment for entrance exam corruption, having served only a quarter of his sentence. It could potentially hasten a decline in approval ratings at a time when there is an urgent need for national governance.
Chief of Staff Woo Sang-ho noted during a briefing on the 28th regarding the call for a pardon for the former leader, 'It is true that we have received petitions requesting a pardon for former leader Cho Kuk from leaders of various religions and representatives of civil society from all walks of life,' but he also stated, 'The Presidential Office is focusing on tariff negotiations, so we have not yet begun a serious review on the pardon for politicians.' However, he mentioned, 'We are specifically preparing for a 'public welfare pardon' to mark the 80th anniversary of Liberation.'
Presidential Office Spokesperson Kang Yoo-jung responded to related questions the previous day, stating, 'The power of pardon is indeed a unique authority of the President,' and added, 'I understand that the President can make a final decision on this matter, but there has been no discussion or meetings on the specifics.' He continued, 'You may ask later,' but he emphasized, 'However, pardon is the President's exclusive authority, and the President can make the final decision on the matter.'
Discussions regarding the pardon within the ruling party have intensified following reports earlier this month about National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik's visit to see the former leader. Thirty-four law professors, including former Minister of Justice Park Sang-ki, also submitted a petition for the former leader's pardon to the Presidential Office. Current ruling party lawmaker Kang Deok-goo stated on Facebook the previous day, 'The former leader and his family have already paid a heavy price for their crimes,' adding, 'In a sense, it is akin to the targeted investigations conducted by the political prosecutors that President Lee experienced.' It is reported that a key figure in the religious community, Jinwoo, the head monk of Jogye Order, also delivered a letter suggesting a pardon to the Presidential Office.
In the Presidential Office currently engaged in tariff negotiations, discussions around pardons have been deprioritized. Ahead of the deadline for reciprocal tariffs announced by the Trump administration, there is a vigorous effort to finalize negotiations from the perspective of the policy office, the security office, and the finance and trade ministries. This is the first trade negotiation for the Presidential Office, which serves as the control tower for the government, marking a critical point for President Lee Jae-myung's 'practical diplomacy centered on national interests.' According to a Presidential Office official, President Lee was frequently updated on the progress of the negotiations even during his day off the previous day to devise response strategies.
However, considering the political situation ahead of Liberation Day in mid-next month, there is a plan to review exercising the power of pardon. This indicates that the results of the tariff negotiations could have significant implications for domestic politics and the government's governing power. If President Lee, who has publicly committed to 'integration,' were to pardon the former leader, there would need to be a corresponding special pardon from the conservative camp to maintain balance. The current political calculus is complicated given the ongoing investigation into the insurrection and Kim Keon-hee.
There are also considerable differences of opinion within the ruling party. This implies that one must weigh the political pros and cons of the 'Cho Kuk pardon' in relation to next year's local elections. If the popular former leader were to return, there would be no avoiding competition with the Democratic Party in the Honam region. Given that the local elections will be held in the second year of the administration, the Rebuilding Korea Party is likely to expand its influence. Conversely, there are arguments that in pursuing various reform legislations, it may be necessary to extend a pardon to the Rebuilding Korea Party to secure the '180 seats in the National Assembly' as a safety net. In particular, the ruling party will need assistance from the Rebuilding Korea Party in key standing committees, such as the Strategy and Finance Committee, which are chaired by opposition party lawmakers.
A key figure in the National Assembly remarked, 'Although it is the President's authority, it is a matter requiring political judgment.' He continued, 'It has been proven that the influence of the Rebuilding Korea Party cannot be ignored in Honam from the last election.' He mentioned that this is essentially presenting the 'bill' for supporting the President Lee during the presidential election when the party did not field a candidate, stating that the potential gains or losses from the local elections must be carefully evaluated. He added, 'Ultimately, it is often a matter of people, where one can rise or fall,' and emphasized, 'If a pardon is granted on Liberation Day after serving just a quarter of the sentence, public backlash must also be considered.'